SRINAGAR: Hailing from Naira, a village in Pulwama, Waheed ur Rehman Parra, a trusted associate of Mehbooba Mufti, began his education in local institutions before earning his Master’s in Peace and Conflict Studies from the Islamic University of Science and Technology, located near Srinagar. As the second of three children, he comes from a well-established, landholding family in South Kashmir.
Parra became a member of the PDP, under Mufti Mohammad Sayeed’s leadership, in 2013. His rapid rise within the party can be attributed to his strong connection with the younger generation and his active involvement in youth engagement. At one point, Waheed Parra served as the Secretary of the Jammu and Kashmir Sports Council.
In recent years, Parra faced legal challenges, having been incarcerated on multiple charges. On May 25, 2022, the Jammu and Kashmir High Court granted him bail in a case related to terrorism.
Initially detained following the abrogation of Jammu and Kashmir’s special status on August 5, 2019, he was released in February 2020 from detention in Srinagar’s MLA hostel, which had been converted into a temporary jail. Afterwards, he faced another three months of house arrest.
In November 2020, with the announcement of elections to the District Development Councils (DDCs), the first electoral process in the newly formed Union Territory, Parra submitted his nomination to represent Pulwama. However, just days later, he was summoned by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) in connection with a terror investigation involving a former J&K police officer and was subsequently detained.
Despite his absence, Parra won the December 2020 DDC election for his constituency, with his family leading the campaign. He has yet to take the oath for this office. On January 9, 2021, a special NIA court granted him bail, with Judge Sunit Gupta ruling that no prima facie evidence of charges under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) existed.
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Yet, the same evening, he was taken into custody again by the Counter Intelligence Kashmir (CIK) branch of the J&K Police for alleged associations with a member of a banned terrorist group aimed at advancing his political aspirations. He was detained immediately after his release from the Jammu District Jail.
Waheed Parra recently contested the Lok Sabha elections from Srinagar but was defeated by National Conference’s Aga Ruhullah Mehdi.
In Pulwama, Parra faces stiff competition from Mohammad Khalil Bandh of the NC, who previously won the seat in 2014 under the PDP banner before switching allegiances post-August 5, 2019.
The Pulwama constituency is set to go to the polls on September 18, with 12 candidates, including Independent candidate Dr. Talat Majeed, who is backed by the banned Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir.
The New Indian’s Principal Correspondent, Emaad Makhdoomi, conducted an exclusive interview with the PDP candidate for the Pulwama constituency Waheed Parra :
Q: The last assembly elections in J&K were held in 2014. How is the 2024 election different from the 2014 election?
A: This election comes after a decade, following significant events, particularly the actions on August 5, 2019. Kashmiris felt dispossession beginning in government, institutions, and media. Now, people are reclaiming their space through elections—whether in panchayats, parliament, or assemblies. This election is about regaining those democratic, institutional, and constitutional spaces. The vacuum created by six to seven years of Governor’s Rule must also be filled with public representation.
Q: What is the main agenda for the PDP in this election?
A: Our central issue remains a political dialogue with the people of Kashmir, regardless of their ideologies. We have always stressed that dialogue, not arrests, detentions, or Public Safety Acts (PSA), is key. Reversing the decisions of August 5, 2019, is also a crucial part of our agenda.
Q: How realistic is the PDP’s goal of self-rule, given the abrogation of Article 370 and J&K’s union territory status?
A: The self-rule document is evolving, adapting to changing regional circumstances. It addresses both internal and external aspects of the Kashmir issue. Self-rule advocates the unification of the two Kashmirs through social, economic, and political integration, alongside trade and free movement. The document is a solution-focused approach, not limited to constitutional changes or union territory status. It also speaks to the empowerment of regions like Chenab, Pir Panjal, Ladakh, Kashmir, and Jammu, while advocating engagement with the other Kashmir through trade and social cohesion.
Q: Mehbooba Mufti claimed that the NC-BJP alliance introduced issues like POTA and the banning of shahtoos. Can you elaborate?
A: Mehbooba Mufti highlighted that during the period when J&K had a chief minister and special status, we witnessed atrocities like Ikhwan, POTA, and mass arrests, including the hanging of people. These were all backed by the state. In 1987, political and democratic spaces were denied to the people, leading to the current state of unrest. NC benefited from this and the region still bears the consequences.
Q: How do you compare the NC-BJP alliance to the PDP-BJP alliance?
A: The alliances are completely different. While most alliances focus on power-sharing, the PDP-BJP alliance aimed to address Kashmir’s deeper issues. We believe that Prime Minister Modi’s mandate could lead to dialogue with both neighbours and Kashmiris. Initiatives like appointing an interlocutor, granting amnesty to 12,000 people, and the Ramzan ceasefire were significant. These efforts were about addressing Kashmir’s problems through institutional mechanisms, not about power-sharing or government formation. Other alliances focus on governing roles, cabinet reshuffles, and seat-sharing, but ours was always about finding a solution.
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Q: Omar Abdullah and Satyapal Malik have claimed that Ram Madhav was sent to J&K to broker an alliance between PDP and BJP. Is this true?
A: Everyone knows the aftermath of the abrogation of Article 370 and the breakdown of the PDP. Leaders were detained, questioned, and arrested. I was personally jailed and tortured. Mehbooba Mufti stood firm during this time, and the PDP paid the highest cost. On the other hand, NC had been in touch with the BJP as early as 2014, as revealed by Devender Singh Rana, a BJP leader.
Q: How do you view the recent shift where separatists and former militants, once driven by Pakistan’s influence, now support democracy?
A: It’s a positive development. Democracy should be part of the solution, and everyone, including former separatists, should be allowed to participate in elections. Political spaces must not be stifled as they were in 1987. Everyone, regardless of their past affiliations, has a constitutional right to engage in the democratic process.
Q: Your party president accused NC of framing elections as either “haram” (forbidden) or “halal” (permissible). Do you think NC manipulated the elections in 1987?
A: Everyone has a right to vote. Voting for one party doesn’t make you secular, Islamist, or anti-national, but NC has created such labels for many. Voting is our democratic right, and people should be free to participate without fear or judgment.