What TV doesn't, print can't; we deliver.
What TV doesn't, print can't; we deliver.
SRINAGAR: “Every day we see FIRs being registered against our youth, but I will take up their cause. I’ll get a vakalatnama from you all and lodge a massive FIR, this time against the routine FIRs that target our youngsters, and I will do it in the grand halls of the J&K Assembly.” These powerful words marked the fiery speech of Mohammad Yousuf Tarigami during an election rally in Pariwan, Kulgam.
Tarigami, a seasoned CPI(M) politician, has held his ground in Kulgam by winning four consecutive assembly elections since 1996. Now, he faces a formidable challenge from an independent candidate backed by the banned Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir.
As the joint candidate of the Congress-National Conference alliance, Tarigami’s political battle this time also includes opponents like Sayyar Ahmed Reshi, supported by the Jamaat, Mohammad Amin Dar from the Peoples Democratic Party, and Engineer Mohammad Aqib from the Apni Party.
For nearly 37 years, Jamaat-e-Islami has stayed out of the electoral arena, ever since the rise of terrorism in the region. Although they refrained from contesting elections directly, their supporters were seen casting votes in favour of the PDP during the 2008 and 2014 elections.
Political analysts suggest that although the National Conference has left the Kulgam seat for Mohammad Yousuf Tarigami, their grassroots workers may not be on board. Discontent among the NC cadre could result in a lack of vote transfer to Tarigami, making his position in the upcoming election more precarious.
With the Kulgam constituency heading to the polls on September 18 in the first phase of Jammu and Kashmir’s assembly elections, all eyes are on this high-stakes contest.
The New Indian’s Principal Correspondent Emaad Makhdoomi conducted an exclusive interview with CPI(M) leader Mohammad Yousuf Tarigami during his election campaign in South Kashmir’s Kulgam :
Q: Do you believe the people see the INDIA alliance as a viable alternative?
A: People are fully aware of the challenges they have faced for many years now. They understand the complexities of the current situation, which is why I am confident they recognize the need for unity. Only by coming together can we confront these challenges and shape a better future. Remaining divided won’t help us reverse the erosion of democracy and democratic rights that has been initiated by the current government in New Delhi and Jammu & Kashmir.
Q: What is your view on the upcoming Assembly elections in Jammu & Kashmir? What are the key issues for you?
A: The J&K Assembly elections are long overdue. We haven’t had an Assembly since 2018, with the last elections held in 2014. The recent announcement of elections, prompted by the Supreme Court, is a significant moment. The people of both Jammu and Kashmir, from towns to villages, understand the importance of these elections. This is an opportunity for them to elect representatives who can voice their concerns—issues like unemployment, rising prices, and the long-pending demand for the restoration of statehood. Both the Prime Minister and Home Minister have promised this in their manifestos, yet actions continue to delay it. Instead of waiting for the outcome of the Assembly elections, they are amending laws to empower the Lt. Governor. If they were sincere about statehood, they should have either restored it before or after the elections. Restoring the historic status of Jammu and Kashmir is a critical challenge for all of us.
Q: You have been critical of the government, accusing it of harassing the public. The government, however, claims it has restored peace and spurred development post-abrogation of Article 370. What do you say to this?
A: If you ask the people in the region, they will tell you what little has changed since the abrogation of Article 370. Roads and hospitals were here before; nothing new has been added. The government promised 6 lakh jobs, but what have they delivered in six years of direct rule? Even people in Jammu, who once supported the abrogation, are now questioning what has really changed. Where is the investment? Where is the development? The slogans of “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas” ring hollow. In reality, Leh and Kargil, which initially celebrated the abrogation, are now protesting in freezing temperatures, demanding statehood and protection of their land and jobs. In 1927, Maharaja Hari Singh passed a notification to protect land ownership in J&K, and now even that has been dismantled. While the Maharaja is celebrated, his policies are being demolished. Thanks to the divisive policies of the current government, we are coming together, realizing that we all—whether in Jammu, Kashmir, or Ladakh—face the same assault on our rights.
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Q: The Lok Sabha elections saw significant voter turnout. What do you think led to this, and what do you expect for the Assembly elections?
A: Historically, we’ve been portrayed inaccurately. Yes, we’ve been victims of violence, but our past shows a different picture. In 1947, when much of the country was bleeding—Lahore, Amritsar, Jalandhar, even Jammu—it was Kashmir that remained peaceful. Violence is not in our nature; we grow apples, not grenades. Bad politics and neglect of our rights have created the conditions for violence. It has damaged the interests of Kashmir, Jammu, and the country. The solution is empowerment, not suppression. Democracy thrives when people are won over, not dictated to. Unfortunately, this government hasn’t learned that lesson. There is forced silence in Kashmir now, but that doesn’t mean peace. True peace will only come when people are genuinely empowered and hopeful. We want to move beyond the era of violence and enter a new era of hope and empowerment.
Q: The Gupkar Alliance was formed in 2019, but now Mehbooba Mufti’s PDP is contesting elections against other PAGD members. Is this the end of the PAGD?
A: PAGD was never intended to be an electoral alliance. Even during the District Development Council (DDC) elections, we weren’t completely united. The alliance was formed to address the constitutional rights that were taken away, and the downsizing of J&K into a Union Territory without consulting the people. These concerns remain, regardless of whether we contest elections against each other. In the history of India’s parliamentary democracy, Union Territories have sought statehood but never has a historic state like Jammu & Kashmir been downgraded in this way. New states have emerged in places like Andhra and Bihar after public consultation, but on August 5, 2019, we saw a complete shutdown—no internet, no landlines, no communication in Jammu or Kashmir. This is not how democracy functions. We want to be part of a democratic system, not an authoritarian one.
